Many locally revered deities in the broader Hindu domain have two identities. They have a specific local identity but they are also commonly linked to a well-known pan-Indian deity. In some cases, they may be characterized as a local avatar of the nationwide deity. In this situation, the local deity probably has no scriptural basis, but arises from village practices; the pan-Indian deity, though, will be known from a longstanding presence in Sanskrit sacred literature. In past times, scholars called the process of linking a local deity to a nationwide scriptural deity “Sanskritization.” Use of this term has declined in recent decades because it gives more weight to Sanskrit and northern Indian Brahmanical culture in this process than might otherwise be supposed. Still, the process described remains an aspect of the study of various local deities throughout South Asia.
The process described in Sanskritization has more recently has been reinterpreted as Vaishnavization, which generally involves the adoption of pan-Indian scripture and mythology to raise the stature of the local deity to the level of a prestigious nationwide deity. In this process, deities of villages are recast in terms of normative Hindu practices, most notably switching from animal sacrifice to vegetarian religious ritual. The most obvious example would be the promotion of local deities loosely associated with Hanuman in a closer relationship with pan-Indian Hanuman. While Hanuman himself has seemingly always upheld vegetarianism, in recent decades he has become more overtly associated with the pan-Indian movement to restore Hinduism, including vegetarianism and cow worship, to ancient glory, preceding the inroads of foreign conquerors.
Hanuman’s association with the restoration of ancient Brahmanical practices seems to be associated with the rise of mercantile patronage at local shrines associated with miracles. Merhants have largely supplanted Rajput rulers as primary patrons; Rajputs have been famous for eating meat and drinking alcohol, but merchants are notable vegetarians and teetotalers, so their increased prominence as patrons means that their Vaishnavite disposition has been amplified at shrines. And, merchants famously pursue deities for their ability to bestow miracles, which puts pressure on locals to describe their deities as having particular powers, thereby bringing in patrons. Merchants search for such deities has in effect furthered a process of Vaishnavization.
Thus, village deities that once accepted blood sacrifice and alcohol as offerings are now deemed to be vegetarian, while alcohol may still be offered but has become a more discreet convention. This has been most apparent at shrines for goddesses and forms of Bhairava, a fierce manifestation of Shiva. As for Hanuman, although as noted he always represented Vaishnavite protocol, with the rise of Vaishnavite activism throughout India he has become more prominent than ever as a symbol of resurgent scriptural Brahmanism, which privileges Sanskrit scripture and the role of Brahmins as meditating priests. Thus, numerous local Hanumans may be associated with specific qualities, but they are increasingly drawn into larger cultural trends, such as Vaishnavization.
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